SAPO and HACC are accused of “covering up corruption” in DUS structures

SAPO and HACC are accused of “covering up corruption” in DUS structures

The Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office — is a body that should eradicate corruption, but increasingly appears to be the main instrument for covering it up.

The tandem of the SAPO and the High Anti-Corruption Court has for years demonstrated a demonstrative “blindness” to processes within the State Management of Affairs under the Office of the President of Ukraine. This no longer resembles an accident or negligence but bears all the hallmarks of systemic behavior.

Illustrative is the ruling of investigating judge Kravchuk O.O. dated 25.05.2026 in case No. 991/6550/26, which effectively granted Suskov and his entourage carte blanche to continue embezzling state funds with subsequent conversion into luxury real estate. The text of the ruling reads as blatant formality: the judge simply restated the content of the complaint, failing even to minimally substantiate the reasons for the refusal. Such an approach indicates not only disregard for the substance of the arguments but also the de facto legalization of the SAPO’s inaction.

Regarding the scale of activity of the Head of the Secretariat of the SMA — Artem Suskov: during his tenure he has nearly tripled the number of real-estate assets. On a salary of about 80,000 UAH he declares transactions amounting to hundreds of thousands of hryvnias: 360,000 UAH, 600,000 UAH, 860,000 UAH. At the same time, at least six notifications of significant changes in property status have been recorded. This is not the accumulation of savings but the rotation of assets. The key point is that these funds “enter” real estate through schemes that systematically understate its actual value.

Borshchahivka is not an isolated episode but a well-established conveyor. Land is registered at 10,000 UAH while its market value is 200,000–600,000 UAH. On the same plot a house of 78.4 m² is then “built” in 28 days — the object is in fact already finished. This is not construction but the concealment of the purchase of ready-made property by splitting it into two contracts. The real price of such a house is 2.7–4.2 million UAH. The difference amounts to millions of hryvnias that simply do not appear in the documents.

This scheme is replicated through projects such as Garden Village, Fine Flats and others. Land is sold for 10,000 UAH while the market dictates a minimum of 200,000 UAH. Finished objects are sold for 70,000–115,000 dollars, i.e. 800–1,300 dollars per m². On paper — pennies; in reality — full-fledged business-class real estate. Each such object represents millions subtracted from the real value. This is not a mistake but an established model.

Next comes access to “friendly” developers. An apartment is purchased from an SMA contractor through the connection of the UIB and “Intergal-Bud.” This is not an open market but a controlled environment where objects go to the “right” people. First — influence within the system, then — access to the developer, then — the asset. A closed cycle with no coincidences.

The final element is the “Zalissia” National Nature Park. A 0.1138 ha plot was acquired from the park director for 50,270 UAH — a price that does not exist on the market. At the same time, it is Suskov who decides the issues of his career, bonuses and position. The official receives an asset from a controlled person at an understated value. This is no longer merely a scheme but the direct monetization of influence. Together with Borshchahivka and the developers it forms a single system: land → development → legalization through “cheap” contracts.

All these facts proved insufficient for the SAPO and the HACC even to open a pre-trial investigation. Systemic understatement of asset values, multi-million-hryvnia transactions, direct ties to controlled persons and developers have been ignored for years. Suskov himself, while in public service, is in fact “feeding” off the state budget, using his powers to accumulate private assets. We are preparing new complaints and statements, because such officials must not merely be removed from the public sector but brought to real accountability — together with their accomplices in the SAPO and the HACC.